The Ever People-Elected Mr. Clean-Hesitant

By Prasetyohadi, Markus Yumartana, Alexander Seran



Nowadays democracy no longer expects someone originating from strong military institution with dark past, even if already retired, to be chosen to lead a modern country. That’s what came up however recently in Indonesia, a former high-ranked military officer, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, 55, won landslide run-off presidential election. Indonesia seems to have curiously elapsed the past over-30-year nightmare of Suharto regime. And yet, though this was the first direct presidential election ever held in the over half century history of the country, people express no exuberance.

Turbulent, failing Indonesian state since regime change in 1998, seeing the country in disarray, plagued by prolonged political conflicts in the center, and scattered insurgencies in the peripheries, claiming tens of thousand lives, along with rampant corruptions up to the lowest levels across the country, has been bound to long for more stability projecting figures at the top. Megawati’s political party, once hallmark of democracy during hard time under Suharto, was seen failing to show the minimum popular tolerance.

The shadowy legacy of authoritarian regime remains intact, in fact, marked by political leaders playing fool of people expectation for better condition in the midst of hardship, and during Megawati’s tenure such practices seen blatantly conducted instead of showing more any positive indications, not even in her party’s public performance. No notorious military generals are put into jail for human atrocities in East Timor in 1999. Even rights monitors have not wiped out Mr. Yudhoyono himself from list of “number 26 in the priority 2 of those should be further investigated” for rights violation in East Timor.

With such sheer power along with quite popular disappointment towards too little has been done by Megawati, no wonder why sweeping milestone election for Mr. Yudhoyono is unstoppable as the vote counting goes on. The last two elections in 1999 and 2004 have shown pretty different trends as compared to aliran politics previously gripping the home of largest Muslim adherents in the world.

Rational voters’ calculation and mass psychology factors performed by the media have nourished Mr. Yudhoyono’s ostentatious figure that has been proven much less capable by brainless Megawati and her party. Though, Mr. Yudhoyono still managed time to have doctorate exam in development studies at a state agriculture institute and graduated on Sept 18, two days before the runoff ballot day.

Indonesia has apparently become peculiarly pragmatic in their future options, putting democratic reform into harder challenges ahead. Election result is deemed not to change with 60-40% overwhelming for Mr. Yudhoyono, though the official result is yet to announce in Oct 5. In the region where Megawati has the staunchest supporters, like Bali, the balance has even changed considerably yet no major election-related violence took place as once happened.

Mr. Yudhoyono’s public figure of presenting himself as calm, almost even relax, typically Javanese style, yet forwarding “law” than any other options, in the midst of regional insurgencies, may have far attracted those particularly in the inner Indonesia who are fed up by prolonged economic crises and bloody civil and military fighting across the archipelago.

Mr. Yudhoyono came to the public for the first time when he took office of the social, political chief-of-staff of the military in 1998. As he saw no future in the military dominated by rougher elements of its kind, former President Wahid happened to pick him up to deal with Suharto’s wealth while heading a minor ministry, a farther turn of Mr. Yudhoyono’s start of political carrier out of the military.

Although coming from a family of lower military rank, he remains considered, if any, among the intimate to the upper circles of political military elite, as he married to a daughter of military general yet close to Suharto, once helping the latter in 1965 bloody crushing of the communists after an alleged coup d’etat.

Critical remark however says Mr. Yudhoyono is not included among military high-ranked officers who support reform within the notorious Indonesia military, such as Gen. Agus Wirahadikusumah, mysteriously died while in his position as Kostrad’s chief-of-staff in 2001.

It was a shrewd twist only in 2001, while still as chief security minister, Mr. Yudhoyono decided to set up Democratic Party, which has then taken pretty quick votes of about 10% in the 2004 parliamentary election. Yet Mr. Yudhoyono has not assured much for the better future of this 230 million populated country. No clear cut economic plan ahead, except his relying on the vice president Jusuf Kalla, a businessman hailing South Sulawesi, supported by former leading Golkar Party. In fact, the latter has publicly performed supports more for the contending Megawati’s Indonesian Democratic Party.

In the turn of the presidential campaign, Mr. Yudhoyono promises mostly to be Mr. Clean, by standing from any past major bloody military crackdown. He was graduated from military academy in 1973, identified military’s latter batches less bloody. He got masters degree from military academies from the U.S. and Europe.

Mr. Yudhoyono’s being characterized as slow and hesitant came up every time he has to take decision, he lingers on longer period of inaction. Pundits comment about his unnecessarily taking much time before deciding to be Megawati’s rival while employed as chief security minister. This goes along with unlike most military officers heralding muscles and swiftness, he is marked particular as he likes attending seminars and conferences, including the rare opening dialogues with the flourishing non-governmental organizations.

He has grammar balance, control that the language center awarded him among best Indonesian high ranked officials giving speeches (Suharto is known to be destructive at language.) Yet, hostile comments are not far away. A former minister working along with him as chief security minister said Mr. Yudhoyono kept holding meetings and talking when people were dying for simmering ethnic, sectarian and separatist clashes. Military rivals regret his slowness in decision making when involved in military operation in East Timor.

Two big parties would likely take the other side, if opposition does fit to Indonesian political culture, a possible development that may pose tougher tests for Mr. Clean-Hesitant to cope with any possible bogged down progress, even if both parties ready to offer alternate alliances in the near future.***

Quezon City, October 2004

Prasetyohadi is Indonesian researcher with Asian Public Intellectuals Fellowship in the Philippines, Markus Yumartana and Alex Seran both are Ph.D. candidates in theology and philosophy at the Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon City, the Philippines